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the writings-3-第15部分

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reason I feel an urgency to note what I deem an error in it; the

more requiring notice as your opinion is strengthened by that of

many others。  You seem; in pages 84 and 148; to consider the

judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions;…

…a very dangerous doctrine indeed; and one which would place us

under the despotism of an oligarchy。  Our judges are as honest as

other men; and not more so。  They have; with others; the same

passions for party; for power; and the privilege of their corps。

Their maxim is; 'Boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem'; and

their power is the more dangerous as they are in office for life;

and not responsible; as the other functionaries are; to the

elective control。  The Constitution has erected no such single

tribunal; knowing that; to whatever hands confided; with the

corruptions of time and party; its members would become despots。

It has more wisely made all the departments co…equal and

co…sovereign with themselves。〃



Thus we see the power claimed for the Supreme Court by Judge

Douglas; Mr。 Jefferson holds; would reduce us to the despotism of

an oligarchy。



Now; I have said no more than this;in fact; never quite so much

as this; at least I am sustained by Mr。 Jefferson。



Let us go a little further。  You remember we once had a National

Bank。  Some one owed the bank a debt; he was sued; and sought to

avoid payment on the ground that the bank was unconstitutional。

The case went to the Supreme Court; and therein it was decided

that the bank was constitutional。  The whole Democratic party

revolted against that decision。  General Jackson himself asserted

that he; as President; would not be bound to hold a National Bank

to be constitutional; even though the court had decided it to be

so。  He fell in precisely with the view of Mr。 Jefferson; and

acted upon it under his official oath; in vetoing a charter for a

National Bank。  The declaration that Congress does not possess

this constitutional power to charter a bank has gone into the

Democratic platform; at their National Conventions; and was

brought forward and reaffirmed in their last Convention at

Cincinnati。  They have contended for that declaration; in the

very teeth of the Supreme Court; for more than a quarter of a

century。  In fact; they have reduced the decision to an absolute

nullity。  That decision; I repeat; is repudiated in the

Cincinnati platform; and still; as if to show that effrontery can

go no further; Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which

he denounces me for opposing the Dred Scott decision that he

stands on the Cincinnati platform。



Now; I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me; with

respect to decisions of the Supreme Court; which does not lie in

all its length; breadth; and proportions at his own door。  The

plain truth is simply this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court

decisions when he likes and against them when he does not like

them。  He is for the Dred Scott decision because it tends to

nationalize slavery; because it is part of the original

combination for that object。  It so happens; singularly enough;

that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court

till this; on the contrary; I have no recollection that he was

ever particularly in favor of one till this。  He never was in

favor of any nor opposed to any; till the present one; which

helps to nationalize slavery。



Free men of Sangamon; free men of Illinois; free men everywhere;

judge ye between him and me upon this issue。



He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at most;

that it has no practical effect; that at best; or rather; I

suppose; at worst; it is but an abstraction。  I submit that the

proposition that the thing which determines whether a man is free

or a slave is rather concrete than abstract。  I think you would

conclude that it was; if your liberty depended upon it; and so

would Judge Douglas; if his liberty depended upon it。  But

suppose it was on the question of spreading slavery over the new

Territories that he considers it as being merely an abstract

matter; and one of no practical importance。  How has the planting

of slavery in new countries always been effected?  It has now

been decided that slavery cannot be kept out of our new

Territories by any legal means。  In what do our new Territories

now differ in this respect from the old Colonies when slavery was

first planted within them?  It was planted; as Mr。 Clay once

declared; and as history proves true; by individual men; in spite

of the wishes of the people; the Mother Government refusing to

prohibit it; and withholding from the people of the Colonies the

authority to prohibit it for themselves。  Mr。 Clay says this was

one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great

Britain by the Colonies; and the best apology we can now make for

having the institution amongst us。  In that precise condition our

Nebraska politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own

new Territories; the government will not prohibit slavery within

them; nor allow the people to prohibit it。



I defy any man to find any difference between the policy which

originally planted slavery in these Colonies and that policy

which now prevails in our new Territories。  If it does not go

into them; it is only because no individual wishes it to go。  The

Judge indulged himself doubtless to…day with the question as to

what I am going to do with or about the Dred Scott decision。

Well; Judge; will you please tell me what you did about the bank

decision?  Will you not graciously allow us to do with the Dred

Scott decision precisely as you did with the bank decision?  You

succeeded in breaking down the moral effect of that decision: did

you find it necessary to amend the Constitution; or to set up a

court of negroes in order to do it?



There is one other point。  Judge Douglas has a very affectionate

leaning toward the Americans and Old Whigs。  Last evening; in a

sort of weeping tone; he described to us a death…bed scene。  He

had been called to the side of Mr。 Clay; in his last moments; in

order that the genius of 〃popular sovereignty〃 might duly descend

from the dying man and settle upon him; the living and most

worthy successor。  He could do no less than promise that he would

devote the remainder of his life to 〃popular sovereignty〃; and

then the great statesman departs in peace。  By this part of the

〃plan of the campaign〃 the Judge has evidently promised himself

that tears shall be drawn down the cheeks of all Old Whigs; as

large as half…grown apples。



Mr。 Webster; too; was mentioned; but it did not quite come to a

death…bed scene as to him。  It would be amusing; if it were not

disgusting; to see how quick these compromise…breakers administer

on the political effects of their dead adversaries; trumping up

claims never before heard of; and dividing the assets among

themselves。  If I should be found dead to…morrow morning; nothing
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