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the writings-3-第17部分
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then reply for half an hour。 We will alternate in like manner in
each successive place。
Very respectfully; your obedient servant;
S。 A。 DOUGLAS。
Mr。 LINCOLN TO Mr。 DOUGLAS。
SPRINGFIELD; July 31; 1858。
HON。 S。 A。 DOUGLAS:
Dear Sir;Yours of yesterday; naming places; times; and terms
for joint discussions between us; was received this morning。
Although; by the terms; as you propose; you take four openings
and closes; to my three; I accede; and thus close the
arrangement。 I direct this to you at Hillsborough; and shall try
to have both your letter and this appear in the Journal and
Register of Monday morning。
Your obedient servant;
A。 LINCOLN。
FIRST JOINT DEBATE; AT OTTAWA;
AUGUST 21; 1858
Mr。 LINCOLN'S REPLY
MY FELLOW…CITIZENS:When a man hears himself somewhat
misrepresented; it provokes him; at least; I find it so with
myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very gross and
palpable; it is more apt to amuse him。 The first thing I see fit
to notice is the fact that Judge Douglas alleges; after running
through the history of the old Democratic and the old Whig
parties; that Judge Trumbull and myself made an arrangement in
1854; by which I was to have the place of General Shields in the
United States Senate; and Judge Trumbull was to have the place of
Judge Douglas。 Now; all I have to say upon that subject is that
I think no man not even Judge Douglas can prove it; because it is
not true。 I have no doubt he is 〃conscientious〃 in saying it。
As to those resolutions that he took such a length of time to
read; as being the platform of the Republican party in 1854; I
say I never had anything to do with them; and I think Trumbull
never had。 Judge Douglas cannot show that either of us ever did
have anything to do with them。
I believe this is true about those resolutions: There was a call
for a convention to form a Republican party at Springfield; and I
think that my friend Mr。 Lovejoy; who is here upon this stand;
had a hand in it。 I think this is true; and I think if he will
remember accurately he will be able to recollect that he tried to
get me into it; and I would not go in。 I believe it is also true
that I went away from Springfield when the convention was in
session; to attend court in Tazewell county。 It is true they did
place my name; though without authority; upon the committee; and
afterward wrote me to attend the meeting of the committee; but I
refused to do so; and I never had anything to do with that
organization。 This is the plain truth about all that matter of
the resolutions。
Now; about this story that Judge Douglas tells of Trumbull
bargaining to sell out the old Democratic party; and Lincoln
agreeing to sell out the old Whig party; I have the means of
knowing about that: Judge Douglas cannot have; and I know there
is no substance to it whatever。 Yet I have no doubt he is
〃conscientious〃 about it。 I know that after Mr。 Lovejoy got into
the Legislature that winter; he complained of me that I had told
all the old Whigs of his district that the old Whig party was
good enough for them; and some of them voted against him because
I told them so。 Now; I have no means of totally disproving such
charges as this which the Judge makes。 A man cannot prove a
negative; but he has a right to claim that when a man makes an
affirmative charge; he must offer some proof to show the truth of
what he says。 I certainly cannot introduce testimony to show the
negative about things; but I have a right to claim that if a man
says he knows a thing; then he must show how he knows it。 I
always have a right to claim this; and it is not satisfactory to
me that he may be 〃conscientious〃 on the subject。
Now; gentlemen; I hate to waste my time on such things; but in
regard to that general Abolition tilt that Judge Douglas makes;
when he says that I was engaged at that time in selling out and
Abolitionizing the old Whig party; I hope you will permit me to
read a part of a printed speech that I made then at Peoria; which
will show altogether a different view of the position I took in
that contest of 1854。
'Voice:〃Put on your specs。〃'
Mr。 LINCOLN: Yes; sir; I am obliged to do so; I am no longer a
young man。
〃This is the repeal of the Missouri Compromise。 The foregoing
history may not be precisely accurate in every particular; but I
am sure it is sufficiently so for all the uses I shall attempt to
make of it; and in it we have before us the chief materials
enabling us to correctly judge whether the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise is right or wrong。
〃I think; and shall try to show; that it is wrongwrong in its
direct effect; letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska; and
wrong in its prospective principle; allowing it to spread to
every other part of the wide world where men can be found
inclined to take it。
〃This declared indifference; but; as I must think; covert real
zeal for the spread of slavery; I cannot but hate。 I hate it
because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself。 I hate it
because it deprives our republican example of its just influence
in the world;enables the enemies of free institutions; with
plausibility; to taunt us as hypocrites; causes the real friends
of freedom to doubt our sincerity; and especially because it
forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an open war
with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty;
criticizing the Declaration of Independence; and insisting that
there is no right principle of action but self…interest。
〃Before proceeding; let me say I think I have no prejudice
against the Southern people。 They are just what we would be in
their situation。 If slavery did not now exist among them; they
would not introduce it。 If it did now exist among us; we should
not instantly give it up。 This I believe of the masses north and
south。 Doubtless there are individuals on both sides who would
not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would
gladly introduce slavery anew; if it were out of existence。 We
know that some Southern men do free their slaves; go north; and
become tip…top Abolitionists; while some Northern ones go south
and become most cruel slave…masters。
〃When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for
the origin of slavery than we; I acknowledge the fact。 When it
is said that the institution exists; and that it is very
difficult to get rid of it; in any satisfactory way; I can
understand and appreciate the saying。 I will not blame them for
not doing what I should not know how to do myself。 If all
earthly power were given me; I should not know what to do; as to
the existing institution。 My first impulse would be to free all
the slaves and send them to Liberia;to their own native land。
But a moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high
hope (as I think there is
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