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the writings-3-第2部分
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so much; and is ready to suffer to the end。 And well may he
cling to that principle! If he has any parental feeling; well
may he cling to it。 That principle is the only shred left of his
original Nebraska doctrine。 Under the Dred Scott decision
〃squatter sovereignty〃 squatted out of existence; tumbled down
like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at the foundry; served
through one blast; and fell back into loose sand; helped to carry
an election; and then was kicked to the winds。 His late joint
struggle with the Republicans; against the Lecompton
Constitution; involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine。
That struggle was made on a pointthe right of a people to make
their own constitutionupon which he and the Republicans have
never differed。
The several points of the Dred Scott decision; in connection with
Senator Douglas's 〃care not〃 policy; constitute the piece of
machinery; in its present state of advancement。 This was the
third point gained。 The working points of that machinery are:
Firstly; That no negro slave; imported as such from Africa; and
no descendant of such slave; can ever be a citizen of any State;
in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the
United States。 This point is made in order to deprive the negro;
in every possible event; of the benefit of that provision of the
United States Constitution which declares that 〃The citizens of
each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
citizens in the several States。〃
Secondly; That; 〃subject to the Constitution of the United
States;〃 neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can
exclude slavery from any United States Territory。 This point is
made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories
with slaves; without danger of losing them as property; and thus
to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through
all the future。
Thirdly; That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a
free State makes him free; as against the holder; the United
States courts will not decide; but will leave to be decided by
the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the
master。 This point is made; not to be pressed immediately; but;
if acquiesced in for a while; and apparently indorsed by the
people at an election; then to sustain the logical conclusion
that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott;
in the free State of Illinois; every other master may lawfully do
with any other one; or one thousand slaves; in Illinois; or in
any other free State。
Auxiliary to all this; and working hand in hand with it; the
Nebraska doctrine; or what is left of it; is to educate and mould
public opinion; at least Northern public opinion; not to care
whether slavery is voted down or voted up。 This shows exactly
where we now are; and partially; also; wither we are tending。
It will throw additional light on the latter; to go back and run
the mind over the string of historical facts already stated。
Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they
did when they were transpiring。 The people were to be left
〃perfectly free;〃 〃 subject only to the Constitution。〃 What the
Constitution had to do with it; outsiders could not then see。
Plainly enough now;it was an exactly fitted niche; for the Dred
Scott decision to afterward come in; and declare the perfect
freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all。 Why was the
amendment; expressly declaring the right of the people; voted
down? Plainly enough now;the adoption of it would have spoiled
the niche for the Dred Scott decision。 Why was the court
decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual opinion
withheld; till after the Presidential election? Plainly enough
now;the speaking out then would have damaged the 〃perfectly
free〃 argument upon which the election was to be carried。 Why
the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the
delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance
exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look like the
cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to
mounting him; when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a
fall。 And why the hasty after…indorsement of the decision by the
President and others?
We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are
the result of preconcert。 But when we see a lot of framed
timbers; different portions of which we know have been gotten out
at different times and places and by different workmen; Stephen;
Franklin; Roger; and James; for instance; and when we see these
timbers joined together; and see they exactly make the frame of a
house or a mill; all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting; and
all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly
adapted to their respective places; and not a piece too many or
too few;not omitting even scaffolding;or; if a single piece
be lacking; we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and
prepared yet to bring such piece in;in such a case; we find it
impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and
James all understood one another from the beginning; and all
worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow
was struck。
It should not be overlooked that by the Nebraska Bill the people
of a State as well as Territory were to be left 〃perfectly free;〃
〃subject only to the Constitution。〃 Why mention a State? They
were legislating for Territories; and not for or about States。
Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to
the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this
lugged into this merely Territorial law? Why are the people of a
Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together; and
their relation to the Constitution therefore treated as being
precisely the same? While the opinion of the court; by Chief
Justice Taney; in the Dred Scott case; and the separate opinions
of all the concurring Judges; expressly declare that the
Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a
Territorial Legislature to exclude slavery from any United States
Territory; they all omit to declare whether or not the same
Constitution permits a State; or the people of a State; to
exclude it。 Possibly; this is a mere omission; but who can be
quite sure; if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the
opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State
to exclude slavery from their limits; just as Chase and Mace
sought to get such declaration; in behalf of the people of a
Territory; into the Nebraska Bill;I ask; who can be quite sure
that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it had
been in the other? The nearest approach to the point of declaring
the power of a State over slavery is made by Judge Nelson。 He
approaches it more than once; Using the precise idea; and almost
the language; too; of
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