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answer　as　many　interrogatories　for　me　as　I　did　for　him；　and　I

would　reserve　myself　for　a　future　instalment　when　I　got　them

ready。　　The　Judge；　in　answering　me　upon　that　occasion；　put　in

what　I　suppose　he　intends　as　answers　to　all　four　of　my

interrogatories。　　The　first　one　of　these　interrogatories　I　have

before　me；　and　it　is　in　these　words：



〃Question　1。If　the　people　of　Kansas　shall；　by　means　entirely

unobjectionable　in　all　other　respects；　adopt　a　State

constitution；　and　ask　admission　into　the　Union　under　it；　before

they　have　the　requisite　number　of　inhabitants　according　to　the

English　bill；　〃…some　ninety…three　thousand；…〃　will　you　vote　to

admit　them？〃



As　I　read　the　Judge's　answer　in　the　newspaper；　and　as　I　remember

it　as　pronounced　at　the　time；　he　does　not　give　any　answer　which

is　equivalent　to　yes　or　no；I　will　or　I　won't。　　He　answers　at

very　considerable　length；　rather　quarreling　with　me　for　asking

the　question；　and　insisting　that　Judge　Trumbull　had　done

something　that　I　ought　to　say　something　about；　and　finally

getting　out　such　statements　as　induce　me　to　infer　that　he　means

to　be　understood　he　will；　in　that　supposed　case；　vote　for　the

admission　of　Kansas。　　I　only　bring　this　forward　now　for　the


purpose　of　saying　that　if　he　chooses　to　put　a　different

construction　upon　his　answer；　he　may　do　it。　　But　if　he　does　not；

I　shall　from　this　time　forward　assume　that　he　will　vote　for　the

admission　of　Kansas　in　disregard　of　the　English　bill。　　He　has　the

right　to　remove　any　misunderstanding　I　may　have。　　I　only　mention

it　now；　that　I　may　hereafter　assume　this　to　be　the　true

construction　of　his　answer；　if　he　does　not　now　choose　to　correct

me。



The　second　interrogatory　that　I　propounded　to　him　was　this：



〃Question　2。Can　the　people　of　a　United　States　Territory；　in　any

lawful　way；　against　the　wish　of　any　citizen　of　the　United　States；

exclude　slavery　from　its　limits　prior　to　the　formation　of　a　State

Constitution？〃



To　this　Judge　Douglas　answered　that　they　can　lawfully　exclude

slavery　from　the　Territory　prior　to　the　formation　of　a

constitution。　　He　goes　on　to　tell　us　how　it　can　be　done。　　As　I

understand　him；　he　holds　that　it　can　be　done　by　the　Territorial

Legislature　refusing　to　make　any　enactments　for　the　protection　of

slavery　in　the　Territory；　and　especially　by　adopting　unfriendly

legislation　to　it。　　For　the　sake　of　clearness；　I　state　it　again：

that　they　can　exclude　slavery　from　the　Territory；　1st；　by

withholding　what　he　assumes　to　be　an　indispensable　assistance　to

it　in　the　way　of　legislation；　and；　2d；　by　unfriendly　legislation。

If　I　rightly　understand　him；　I　wish　to　ask　your　attention　for　a

while　to　his　position。



In　the　first　place；　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　United　States　has

decided　that　any　Congressional　prohibition　of　slavery　in　the

Territories　is　unconstitutional；　that　they　have　reached　this

proposition　as　a　conclusion　from　their　former　proposition；　that

the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　expressly　recognizes

property　in　slaves；　and　from　that　other　Constitutional　provision；

that　no　person　shall　be　deprived　of　property　without　due　process

of　law。　　Hence　they　reach　the　conclusion　that　as　the　Constitution

of　the　United　States　expressly　recognizes　property　in　slaves；　and

prohibits　any　person　from　being　deprived　of　property　without　due

process　of　law；　to　pass　an　Act　of　Congress　by　which　a　man　who

owned　a　slave　on　one　side　of　a　line　would　be　deprived　of　him　if

he　took　him　on　the　other　side；　is　depriving　him　of　that　property

without　due　process　of　law。　　That　I　understand　to　be　the　decision

of　the　Supreme　Court。　　I　understand　also　that　Judge　Douglas

adheres　most　firmly　to　that　decision；　and　the　difficulty　is；　how

is　it　possible　for　any　power　to　exclude　slavery　from　the

Territory；　unless　in　violation　of　that　decision？　　That　is　the

difficulty。



In　the　Senate　of　the　United　States；　in　1850；　Judge　Trumbull；　in　a

speech　substantially；　if　not　directly；　put　the　same　interrogatory

to　Judge　Douglas；　as　to　whether　the　people　of　a　Territory　had　the

lawful　power　to　exclude　slavery　prior　to　the　formation　of　a

constitution。　　Judge　Douglas　then　answered　at　considerable

length；　and　his　answer　will　be　found　in　the　Congressiona1　Globe；

under　date　of　June　9th；　1856。　　The　Judge　said　that　whether　the

people　could　exclude　slavery　prior　to　the　formation　of　a

constitution　or　not　was　a　question　to　be　decided　by　the　Supreme

Court。　　He　put　that　proposition；　as　will　be　seen　by　the

Congressional　Globe；　in　a　variety　of　forms；　all　running　to　the

same　thing　in　substance；that　it　was　a　question　for　the　Supreme

Court。　　I　maintain　that　when　he　says；　after　the　Supreme　Court

have　decided　the　question；　that　the　people　may　yet　exclude

slavery　by　any　means　whatever；　he　does　virtually　say　that　it　is

not　a　question　for　the　Supreme　Court。　　He　shifts　his　ground。　　I

appeal　to　you　whether　he　did　not　say　it　was　a　question　for　the

Supreme　Court？　　Has　not　the　Supreme　Court　decided　that　question？

when　he　now　says　the　people　may　exclude　slavery；　does　he　not　make

it　a　question　for　the　people？　　Does　he　not　virtually　shift　his

ground　and　say　that　it　is　not　a　question　for　the　Court；　but　for

the　people？　　This　is　a　very　simple　proposition；a　very　plain　and

naked　one。　　It　seems　to　me　that　there　is　no　difficulty　in

deciding　it。　　In　a　variety　of　ways　he　said　that　it　was　a　question

for　the　Supreme　Court。　　He　did　not　stop　then　to　tell　us　that；

whatever　the　Supreme　Court　decides；　the　people　can　by　withholding

necessary　〃police　regulations〃　keep　slavery　out。　　He　did　not　make

any　such　answer　　I　submit　to　you　now　whether　the　new　state　of　the

case　has　not　induced　the　Judge　to　sheer　away　from　his　original

ground。　　Would　not　this　be　the　impression　of　every　fair…minded

man？



I　hold　that　the　proposition　that　slavery　cannot　enter　a　new

country　without　police　regulations　is　historically　false。　　It　is

not　true　at　all。　　I　hold　that　the　history　of　this　country　shows

that　the　institution　of　slavery　was　originally　planted　upon　this

continent　without　these　〃police　regulations；〃　which　the　Judge　now

thinks　necessary　for　the　actual　establishment　of　it。　　Not　only

so；　but　is　there　not　another　fact：　how　came　this　Dred　Scott

decision　to　be　made？　　It　was　made　upon　the　case　of　a　negro　being

taken　and　actually　held　in　slavery　in　Minnesota　Territory；

claiming　his　freedom　because　the　Act　of　Congress　prohibited　his

being　so　held　there。　　Will　the　Judge　pretend　that　Dred　Scott　was

not　held　there　without　police　regulations？　　There　is　at　least　one

matter　of　record　as　to　his　having　been　held　in　slavery　in　the

Territory；　not　only　without　police　regulations；　but　in　the　teeth

of　Congressional　legislation　supposed　to　be　valid　at　the　time。

This　shows　that　there　is　vigor　enough　in　slavery　to　plant　itself

in　a　new　country　even　against　unfriendly　legislation。　　It　takes

not　only　law；　but　the　enforcement　of　law　to　keep　it　out。　　That　is

the　history　of　this　country　upon　the　subject。



I　wi