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colonies； offer to civilised nations a field for the development of
their productive powers which promises them much richer and safer
fruits than mutual hostilities by wars or restrictions on trade。
The farther we advance in this perception； and the more the
uncivilised countries come into contact with the civilised ones by
the progress made in the means of transport； so much more will the
civilised countries comprehend that the civilisation of barbarous
nations； of those distracted by internal anarchy； or which are
oppressed by bad government； is a task which offers to all equal
advantages a duty incumbent on them all alike； but one which can
only be accomplished by unity。
That the civilisation of all nations； the culture of the whole
globe； forms a task imposed on the whole human race； is evident
from those unalterable laws of nature by which civilised nations
are driven on with irresistible power to extend or transfer their
powers of production to less cultivated countries。 We see
everywhere； under the influence of civilisation； population； powers
of mind； material capital attaining to such dimensions that they
must necessarily flow over into other less civilised countries。 If
the cultivable area of the country no longer suffices to sustain
the population and to employ the agricultural population； the
redundant portion of the latter seeks territories suitable for
cultivation in distant lands； if the talents and technical
abilities of a nation have become so numerous as to find no longer
sufficient rewards within it； they emigrate to places where they
are more in demand； if in consequence of the accumulation of
material capital； the rates of interest fall so considerably that
the smaller capitalist can no longer live on them； he tries to
invest his money more satisfactorily in less wealthy countries。
A true principle； therefore； underlies the system of the
popular school； but a principle which must be recognised and
applied by science if its design to enlighten practice is to be
fulfilled； an idea which practice cannot ignore without getting
astray； only the school has omitted to take into consideration the
nature of nationalities and their special interests and conditions；
and to bring these into accord with the idea of universal union and
an everlasting peace。
The popular school has assumed as being actually in existence
a state of things which has yet to come into existence。 It assumes
the existence of a universal union and a state of perpetual peace；
and deduces therefrom the great benefits of free trade。 In this
manner it confounds effects with causes。 Among the provinces and
states which are already politically united； there exists a state
of perpetual peace； from this political union originates their
commercial union； and it is in consequence of the perpetual peace
thus maintained that the commercial union has become so beneficial
to them。 All examples which history can show are those in which the
political union has led the way； and the commercial union has
followed。（3*） Not a single instance can be adduced in which the
latter has taken the lead； and the former has grown up from it。
That； however； under the existing conditions of the world； the
result of general free trade would not be a universal republic；
but； on the contrary； a universal subjection of the less advanced
nations to the supremacy of the predominant manufacturing；
commercial； and naval power； is a conclusion for which the reasons
are very strong and； according to our views； irrefragable。 A
universal republic （in the sense of Henry IV and of the Abb椤t。
Pierre）； i。e。 a union of the nations of the earth whereby they
recognize the same conditions of right among themselves and
renounce self…redress； can only be realised if a large number of
nationalities attain to as nearly the same degree as possible of
industry and civilisation； political cultivation； and power。 Only
with the gradual formation of this union can free trade be
developed； only as a result of this union can it confer on all
nations the same great advantages which are now experienced by
those provinces and states which are politically united。 The system
of protection； inasmuch as it forms the only means of placing those
nations which are far behind in civilisation on equal terms with
the one predominating nation （which； however； never received at the
hands of Nature a perpetual right to a monopoly of manufacture； but
which merely gained an advance over others in point of time）； the
system of protection regarded from this point of view appears to be
the most efficient means of furthering the final union of nations；
and hence also of promoting true freedom of trade。 And national
economy appears from this point of view to be that science which；
correctly appreciating the existing interests and the individual
circumstances of nations； teaches how every separate nation can be
raised to that stage of industrial development in which union with
other nations equally well developed； and consequently freedom of
trade； can become possible and useful to it。
The popular school； however； has mixed up both doctrines with
one another； it has fallen into the grave error of judging of the
conditions of nations according to purely cosmopolitical
principles； and of ignoring from merely political reasons the
cosmopolitical tendency of the productive powers。
Only by ignoring the cosmopolitical tendency of the productive
powers could Malthus be led into the error of desiring to restrict
the increase of population； or Chalmers and Torrens maintain more
recently the strange idea that augmentation of capital and
unrestricted production are evils the restriction of which the
welfare of the community imperatively demands； or Sismondi declare
that manufactures are things injurious to the community。 Their
theory in this case resembles Saturn； who devours his own children
the same theory which allows that from the increase of
population； of capital and machinery division of labour takes
place； and explains from this the welfare of society； finally
considers these forces as monsters which threaten the prosperity of
nations； because it merely regards the present conditions of
individual nations； and does not take into consideration the
conditions of the whole globe and the future progress of mankind。
It is not true that population increases in a larger proportion
than production of the means of subsistence； it is at least foolish
to assume such disproportion； or to attempt to prove it by
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